Slovenia’s greatest opportunity and challenge from an international perspective is yet to come however; the country’s 6-month presidency of the EU starting in January 2008 will mark an historic moment for the EU; for the first time, a country from ‘New Europe’ will be setting the Brussels agenda, so what can we expect from the Slovenian presidency and what will this mean for Slovenia, the region, Europe and the wider world?
Starting at the local level, and it’s clear that for Slovenia’s Government and Administration, the opportunities for international prominence (both in Brussels and beyond) are enormous. So are the challenges however – a point which Ljubljana took on board at a very early stage. Unlike the EU15 which, for the most part, are ‘old hands’ at assuming the EU presidency, this will be Slovenia’s first time, and the Government has been making preparations since January 2005, with a total budget allocation of nearly 60 million euros.
While the precise agenda will not be known until the end of this year, a number of topics have already been identified as being likely to constitute areas of focus under the presidency, including EU neighbourhood policy and enlargement, the Western Balkans, reviews of the Common Agricultural Policy and Cohesion Policy, energy, environmental protection and biodiversity and the Lisbon Strategy.
While the current German presidency and upcoming Portuguese presidency (starting in July this year) are also seeking to make headway on these all important issues, as well as to propel the EU out of its “period of reflection” following the all important French and Dutch rejections of the Constitutional Treaty back in 2005, it is very possible – even likely – that these highly politicised ‘hot potatoes’ will be passed on to the Slovenian presidency.
This accumulation of issues promises a heavy workload for Slovenia, which will have to show first-rate guidance, leadership, and ultimately impartiality on these often controversial and devisive issues – arguably a tall order for the alpine country of 2 million citizens. The benefits that Slovenia can reap from a successful presidency are enormous however in terms of its standing both in Brussels and on the world stage.
While the countries of CEE cannot be said to constitute one homogenous political force (even though such gatherings as Visegrad are still in full swing), there is nevertheless a widespread awareness in Brussels that ‘New Europe’ has vastly altered the EU’s political landscape over the past few years, and as such, when one of ‘New Europe’s’ members assumes the presidency, its results will generate evaluations not only on Slovenia, but on the new member states as a whole; the Slovenian presidency could therefore set an important precedent for other CEE presidencies (the Czech Republic in 2009, Hungary and Poland in 2011 etc.) and how they are received by the international community
An assertive and well-led Slovenian presidency will also bury once and for all the perception that the EU is ultimately a club run by the big western players. Poland has already challenged this notion with some degree of success, but this is largely due to an awareness of the fact that it too is a large player. A successful Slovenian presidency would therefore serve as champion of the smaller members of the EU, driving home the idea that it’s not only the EU’s large and long-standing members that can shape the course of Europe and its all-important role in the world.
While the precise agenda will not be known until the end of this year, a number of topics have already been identified as being likely to constitute areas of focus under the presidency, including EU neighbourhood policy and enlargement, the Western Balkans, reviews of the Common Agricultural Policy and Cohesion Policy, energy, environmental protection and biodiversity and the Lisbon Strategy.
While the current German presidency and upcoming Portuguese presidency (starting in July this year) are also seeking to make headway on these all important issues, as well as to propel the EU out of its “period of reflection” following the all important French and Dutch rejections of the Constitutional Treaty back in 2005, it is very possible – even likely – that these highly politicised ‘hot potatoes’ will be passed on to the Slovenian presidency.
This accumulation of issues promises a heavy workload for Slovenia, which will have to show first-rate guidance, leadership, and ultimately impartiality on these often controversial and devisive issues – arguably a tall order for the alpine country of 2 million citizens. The benefits that Slovenia can reap from a successful presidency are enormous however in terms of its standing both in Brussels and on the world stage.
While the countries of CEE cannot be said to constitute one homogenous political force (even though such gatherings as Visegrad are still in full swing), there is nevertheless a widespread awareness in Brussels that ‘New Europe’ has vastly altered the EU’s political landscape over the past few years, and as such, when one of ‘New Europe’s’ members assumes the presidency, its results will generate evaluations not only on Slovenia, but on the new member states as a whole; the Slovenian presidency could therefore set an important precedent for other CEE presidencies (the Czech Republic in 2009, Hungary and Poland in 2011 etc.) and how they are received by the international community
An assertive and well-led Slovenian presidency will also bury once and for all the perception that the EU is ultimately a club run by the big western players. Poland has already challenged this notion with some degree of success, but this is largely due to an awareness of the fact that it too is a large player. A successful Slovenian presidency would therefore serve as champion of the smaller members of the EU, driving home the idea that it’s not only the EU’s large and long-standing members that can shape the course of Europe and its all-important role in the world.