The UK and Russia have not been the best of diplomatic buddies of late - that's for sure. Today's announcement however that the British Council's licence would be revoked in Russia's regions (i.e outside Moscow) as of January 2008 is both puzzling and, upon reflection, chilling...
In an interview with the BBC, Russia's Foreign Minsiter Sergei Lavrov said that following the explusion of four Russian diplomats from London earlier this year - some form of retaliation from Moscow was to be expected. But why not just send some British diplomats back to London then? Why instead have a go at the UK's leading cultural and English language institution - the British Council? What has British cultural and linguistic heritage ever done to the Russians that would warrant such a move? Are we really to believe claims that a violation of tax regulations is behind this move? Mr Lavrov has himself revealed that the diplomatic dispute is the underlying cause.
Could it possibly be that the Kremlin would not be satisfied with merely ruffling feathers in Whitehall and Westminster, but is rather seeking to send a potent and chilling message that Britain, its culture and what it stands for are less and less welcome in today's Russia?
I only hope this turns out to be a manifestation of my overactive imagination...
e mërkurë, 12 dhjetor 2007
e shtunë, 1 dhjetor 2007
The Balkan situation will make or break the European project
European Integration as the "guardian of peace" may at first glance appear a dated concept (and one which I and many Western Europeans under the age of sixty will respect rather than fully appreciate). Many of us are fortunate to have known nothing other than peace, and the EU has needed to find other raisons d'etre as the decades have gone by.
That's Western Europe though. Go to the Balkans and it's quite a different story. With the disputes over Kosovo and ever-growing instablity in Bosnia-Herzegovina, the region is on the verge of plummeting into chaos.
This region will be the ulitmate test for the EU's common foreign and security policy. If it fails to safeguard stability on its own doorstep, then what hope does it have of ever being taken seriously as a world player? Whatsmore, failure to ensure stability in the Balkans and prevent the atrocities of the previous decade would seriously compromise the founding principle of the European project - that of ensuring and exporting peace and stability.
That's Western Europe though. Go to the Balkans and it's quite a different story. With the disputes over Kosovo and ever-growing instablity in Bosnia-Herzegovina, the region is on the verge of plummeting into chaos.
This region will be the ulitmate test for the EU's common foreign and security policy. If it fails to safeguard stability on its own doorstep, then what hope does it have of ever being taken seriously as a world player? Whatsmore, failure to ensure stability in the Balkans and prevent the atrocities of the previous decade would seriously compromise the founding principle of the European project - that of ensuring and exporting peace and stability.
e enjte, 29 nëntor 2007
"Hungary....what's that??"
I'm the last person you'll find indulging in a rant against the Americans. I take those generalist claims that Americans are ignorant about everything that lies beyond their borders with the smallest pinch of salt.
That said, you've got to check out the video at the below link - it's a right shocker!
http://comment.blog.hu/2007/11/27/magyarorszag_az_meg_mi
That said, you've got to check out the video at the below link - it's a right shocker!
http://comment.blog.hu/2007/11/27/magyarorszag_az_meg_mi
e premte, 7 shtator 2007
Turkey's New President
The appointment of the Islamist Abdullah Gul as Turkey’s new President on 28 August marked a significant step in a country which has a proud recent history of adhering to secular principles. The road to the most senior post in the land has not been a smooth one for Mr. Gul – his candidature was confronted with vehement and widespread protest from the country’s military and pro-secular movements in April this year. Yet the forced early elections which ensued saw Mr Gul’s party, the AKP, take an even larger share of the vote, making his re-nomination and subsequent appointment as President near impossible to reject.
While his appointment as President may still prove a somewhat divisive issue in Turkey, what are the implications for the country’s relations with the EU?
The question of Turkey’s EU accession has been (and doubtless will remain) a major subject of debate, yet the fact remains that Turkey has now been an official EU candidate for nearly 3 years, after nearly 50 years of “privileged partnership” and numerous prospects of membership talks which never came to fruition. A major proponent of Turkey’s EU membership in his former role as Foreign Minister, President Gul has reaffirmed Turkey’s commitment to pursuing the accession agenda with Brussels, which will see the country continue to align its legislation, institutions and practices with the acquis communautaire – the EU’s legislative package which must be adopted by all States wishing to join the Union.
While Mr. Gul’s appointment has been welcomed by Commission President José Manuel Barroso as an opportunity for Turkey’s leadership to provide “fresh, immediate and positive impetus to the accession process”, other leaders in Europe will doubtless be using the appointment to reaffirm their objections to allowing the relatively poor Muslim nation of some 70 million to join a bloc which they (and many others) already see as becoming increasingly unmanageable.
Economic ties and foreign direct investment have never been stronger however, while European tourists have been and continue to choose Turkey as an accessible and welcoming holiday destination. These factors, coupled with Turkey’s continued commitment to align its legislation and practices with EU standards, will make it increasingly difficult for those who oppose the country’s accession plans to justify their stance – let alone go back on a promise already made.
While his appointment as President may still prove a somewhat divisive issue in Turkey, what are the implications for the country’s relations with the EU?
The question of Turkey’s EU accession has been (and doubtless will remain) a major subject of debate, yet the fact remains that Turkey has now been an official EU candidate for nearly 3 years, after nearly 50 years of “privileged partnership” and numerous prospects of membership talks which never came to fruition. A major proponent of Turkey’s EU membership in his former role as Foreign Minister, President Gul has reaffirmed Turkey’s commitment to pursuing the accession agenda with Brussels, which will see the country continue to align its legislation, institutions and practices with the acquis communautaire – the EU’s legislative package which must be adopted by all States wishing to join the Union.
While Mr. Gul’s appointment has been welcomed by Commission President José Manuel Barroso as an opportunity for Turkey’s leadership to provide “fresh, immediate and positive impetus to the accession process”, other leaders in Europe will doubtless be using the appointment to reaffirm their objections to allowing the relatively poor Muslim nation of some 70 million to join a bloc which they (and many others) already see as becoming increasingly unmanageable.
Economic ties and foreign direct investment have never been stronger however, while European tourists have been and continue to choose Turkey as an accessible and welcoming holiday destination. These factors, coupled with Turkey’s continued commitment to align its legislation and practices with EU standards, will make it increasingly difficult for those who oppose the country’s accession plans to justify their stance – let alone go back on a promise already made.
e enjte, 30 gusht 2007
Bravo, Commission! Time to put the tabloids in their place
I was delighted to enter the European Commission's homepage today and find the below article which I think is an excellent retort to populist, irresponsible and frankly erroneous tabloid journalism out to have yet another dig at its favourite victim - the EU. Well done!!
***************
Euromyths – time to set the record straight
The truth behind that tabloid standard – ‘the latest crazy idea from Brussels'.
The popular press often runs scare stories about plans by "mad eurocrats" – for example to standardise the sizes of condoms or women's clothes, or ban bendy bananas.
Remember this from the Daily Express? "The latest EU ruling will see British women expand beyond recognition." And the story behind it? A mooted standardisation of clothes sizes, based on centimetres not inches. However, there is no such EU ruling – European standards are developed by voluntary agreement between national bodies, with no input from Brussels.
This is just one example of a so-called Euromyth – untrue or distorted information on the EU spread by the media. While some stories are based on facts which are misinterpreted or exaggerated, others are simply made up – like the story published in "The Sun" on alleged EU plans to change the name of the Indian snack "Bombay mix" to "Mumbai mix", for the sake of political correctness. It was dreamt up by the editor of a news agency who said it was "meant to be funny for the tabloids".
Euromyths originate most frequently in the British tabloid press. Other tall tales include the harmonisation of condom sizes – as with clothes sizes, the EU has nothing to do with setting these standards – and a ban on "excessively curved" bananas. This story at least contains a grain of truth: bananas must be "free from malformation or abnormal curvature" if they are to be sold under the "extra class" category - but the EU has never attempted to ban them. And it is important to remember that it is industry and consumers who want standards for goods, not a bunch of "mad Eurocrats" sitting in Brussels!
British journalists are not the only ones with a fertile imagination. When the Danish weekly Søndagsavisen reported on subsidised Viagra pills for eurocrats, another Euromyth was born. What the paper forgot to mention: expenses for Viagra are only covered by EU staff's health insurance for impotence caused by serious illnesses like cancer. And of the EU's thousands of staff members, medical reimbursements for the drug are currently granted to around ten.
Although these stories are a funny read, they hold a dangerous potential – spreading rapidly on the internet and in other media, they live on as accepted truths in public opinion and shape the public's idea of the EU as a meddlesome controller.
The popular press often runs scare stories about plans by "mad eurocrats" – for example to standardise the sizes of condoms or women's clothes, or ban bendy bananas.
Remember this from the Daily Express? "The latest EU ruling will see British women expand beyond recognition." And the story behind it? A mooted standardisation of clothes sizes, based on centimetres not inches. However, there is no such EU ruling – European standards are developed by voluntary agreement between national bodies, with no input from Brussels.
This is just one example of a so-called Euromyth – untrue or distorted information on the EU spread by the media. While some stories are based on facts which are misinterpreted or exaggerated, others are simply made up – like the story published in "The Sun" on alleged EU plans to change the name of the Indian snack "Bombay mix" to "Mumbai mix", for the sake of political correctness. It was dreamt up by the editor of a news agency who said it was "meant to be funny for the tabloids".
Euromyths originate most frequently in the British tabloid press. Other tall tales include the harmonisation of condom sizes – as with clothes sizes, the EU has nothing to do with setting these standards – and a ban on "excessively curved" bananas. This story at least contains a grain of truth: bananas must be "free from malformation or abnormal curvature" if they are to be sold under the "extra class" category - but the EU has never attempted to ban them. And it is important to remember that it is industry and consumers who want standards for goods, not a bunch of "mad Eurocrats" sitting in Brussels!
British journalists are not the only ones with a fertile imagination. When the Danish weekly Søndagsavisen reported on subsidised Viagra pills for eurocrats, another Euromyth was born. What the paper forgot to mention: expenses for Viagra are only covered by EU staff's health insurance for impotence caused by serious illnesses like cancer. And of the EU's thousands of staff members, medical reimbursements for the drug are currently granted to around ten.
Although these stories are a funny read, they hold a dangerous potential – spreading rapidly on the internet and in other media, they live on as accepted truths in public opinion and shape the public's idea of the EU as a meddlesome controller.
e martë, 3 korrik 2007
Horny Commission
Has the European Commission gone utterly bonkers? While it understandbly wishes to shake of its rather dusty and dry reputation - was a video depicting multiple copulation scenes from European cinema not a bridge too far?The EU is great, it's necessary, and it's noble...but I don't think it'll ever be sexy. Try again, Ms Wallstrom...
e mërkurë, 13 qershor 2007
Change the record, Orbán
Am I the only person in Hungary who’s getting bored with the endless whining rhetoric of the country’s opposition leader? You can of course argue that whining rhetoric is the job – even duty – of any opposition leader, but Victor Orbán seems to take it to the extreme.It’s of course understandable that Orbán called for the PM’s resignation following his groundbreaking (and rather ineloquent) admission of lying about the county’s economy last year – what opposition leader in his right mind wouldn’t have pounced on such a juicy scandal? But that was last year, and Orbán now needs to get with the times. The Government’s austerity measures introduced at the end of last year already appear to be yielding positive results, if the Governor of the Bank of Hungary – an individual widely respected for his political neutrality – is to be believed.
Rather than making endless calls for Gyurcsany’s resignation and making absurd claims about how Hungary’s aspirations to join the euro would have by now have been a reality under his leadership – Orbán would do far better to get over the fact that he was ousted in 2002, that he’s not coming back as PM for a few years (if at all) and instead concentrate on making his party a little more credible.
e hënë, 4 qershor 2007
3 years on – taking stock of the Eastern enlargement
The anniversary of any major event is arguably the ideal moment to take stock of its impact and legacy, but this year is a particularly poignant time to look at the enlargement of the EU, as we now have new members and newer members. Bulgaria and Romania’s accession this January provides us with a means of comparison between these two countries and those that joined back in 2004.
A visit to Brussels today reveals a city vastly different from what it was a few years ago. The capital of Europe has metamorphosed into one of the world’s most cosmopolitan cities, bringing politicians, journalists, lobbyists and other professionals from the four corners of the continent (and beyond) together to “make Europe work.”
Yet we all know that Brussels is not Europe in microcosm. For all the EU’s achievements – the single market and currency, the four freedoms, consumer rights and of course enlargement – barriers, prejudices and misunderstandings still exist. “New Europe” is most certainly a bona fide member of the club, but the club hasn’t fully accepted it. Nowhere is this more clearly manifested than in certain old member states’ continued restrictions on the free movement of workers from new member states. Add to that President Sarkozy’s former criticisms of new EU members over their use of low corporate taxes to tempt employers to relocate jobs out of France and other Western European countries, and it becomes clear that both ‘halves’ of Europe have their grievances.
When it comes to economics, the picture is mixed. When they first joined, the new member states appeared to score highly on several fronts – liberal, accessible markets, prudent spending, dynamic growth and so forth. Disparities were inevitable however, and now we have the first CEE euro member, Slovenia, but also countries like Hungary which have incurred major budget deficits, although recent reports suggest the situation is starting to improve there.
These diverging economic trends have also impacted upon political sentiments. Nationalism has been on the rise in a number of key CEE countries – most notably in Poland and Hungary, and a combination of nationalism, history, and conflicts of interest have undoubtedly weakened the EU in conducting relations with neighbouring Russia since the 2004 enlargement.
Then there are the newest members of the club – Bulgaria and Romania. Their accession marked a poignant and proud moment in European history, and the social, political and economic benefits of the enlargement are clear for all to see. Compare the electric atmosphere on January 1st and the overall voter apathy in Bulgaria’s recent European elections however and some of the shine is taken off the whole story.
In spite of these issues and challenges, the EU’s newer members have contributed greatly to Europe’s overall development. It remains by far the most economically dynamic region in Europe (with a real GDP growth rate of 6% in 2006) and continues to attract significant investment from leading European and global businesses. New Europe now needs to push for full acceptance in the bloc – to dispel prejudices and build upon its successes to date. To this end, Slovenia’s Presidency of the EU in 2008 will prove vital. A well-run presidency will bury once and for all the perception that the EU is ultimately a club run by the big western players, and will act as a springboard to New Europe’s involvement in and contribution to the Union’s future.
A visit to Brussels today reveals a city vastly different from what it was a few years ago. The capital of Europe has metamorphosed into one of the world’s most cosmopolitan cities, bringing politicians, journalists, lobbyists and other professionals from the four corners of the continent (and beyond) together to “make Europe work.”
Yet we all know that Brussels is not Europe in microcosm. For all the EU’s achievements – the single market and currency, the four freedoms, consumer rights and of course enlargement – barriers, prejudices and misunderstandings still exist. “New Europe” is most certainly a bona fide member of the club, but the club hasn’t fully accepted it. Nowhere is this more clearly manifested than in certain old member states’ continued restrictions on the free movement of workers from new member states. Add to that President Sarkozy’s former criticisms of new EU members over their use of low corporate taxes to tempt employers to relocate jobs out of France and other Western European countries, and it becomes clear that both ‘halves’ of Europe have their grievances.
When it comes to economics, the picture is mixed. When they first joined, the new member states appeared to score highly on several fronts – liberal, accessible markets, prudent spending, dynamic growth and so forth. Disparities were inevitable however, and now we have the first CEE euro member, Slovenia, but also countries like Hungary which have incurred major budget deficits, although recent reports suggest the situation is starting to improve there.
These diverging economic trends have also impacted upon political sentiments. Nationalism has been on the rise in a number of key CEE countries – most notably in Poland and Hungary, and a combination of nationalism, history, and conflicts of interest have undoubtedly weakened the EU in conducting relations with neighbouring Russia since the 2004 enlargement.
Then there are the newest members of the club – Bulgaria and Romania. Their accession marked a poignant and proud moment in European history, and the social, political and economic benefits of the enlargement are clear for all to see. Compare the electric atmosphere on January 1st and the overall voter apathy in Bulgaria’s recent European elections however and some of the shine is taken off the whole story.
In spite of these issues and challenges, the EU’s newer members have contributed greatly to Europe’s overall development. It remains by far the most economically dynamic region in Europe (with a real GDP growth rate of 6% in 2006) and continues to attract significant investment from leading European and global businesses. New Europe now needs to push for full acceptance in the bloc – to dispel prejudices and build upon its successes to date. To this end, Slovenia’s Presidency of the EU in 2008 will prove vital. A well-run presidency will bury once and for all the perception that the EU is ultimately a club run by the big western players, and will act as a springboard to New Europe’s involvement in and contribution to the Union’s future.
e premte, 18 maj 2007
Here comes Slovenia!!!
Of all the Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries which acceded to the EU in May 2004, Slovenia has, in many ways, proven to be the example to follow and emulate. It has one of the highest GDPs per head of all the CEE countries, had one of the highest employment growth rates in the region in 2006, and in January this year became the first of the new member states to adopt the euro.Slovenia’s greatest opportunity and challenge from an international perspective is yet to come however; the country’s 6-month presidency of the EU starting in January 2008 will mark an historic moment for the EU; for the first time, a country from ‘New Europe’ will be setting the Brussels agenda, so what can we expect from the Slovenian presidency and what will this mean for Slovenia, the region, Europe and the wider world?
Starting at the local level, and it’s clear that for Slovenia’s Government and Administration, the opportunities for international prominence (both in Brussels and beyond) are enormous. So are the challenges however – a point which Ljubljana took on board at a very early stage. Unlike the EU15 which, for the most part, are ‘old hands’ at assuming the EU presidency, this will be Slovenia’s first time, and the Government has been making preparations since January 2005, with a total budget allocation of nearly 60 million euros.
While the precise agenda will not be known until the end of this year, a number of topics have already been identified as being likely to constitute areas of focus under the presidency, including EU neighbourhood policy and enlargement, the Western Balkans, reviews of the Common Agricultural Policy and Cohesion Policy, energy, environmental protection and biodiversity and the Lisbon Strategy.
While the current German presidency and upcoming Portuguese presidency (starting in July this year) are also seeking to make headway on these all important issues, as well as to propel the EU out of its “period of reflection” following the all important French and Dutch rejections of the Constitutional Treaty back in 2005, it is very possible – even likely – that these highly politicised ‘hot potatoes’ will be passed on to the Slovenian presidency.
This accumulation of issues promises a heavy workload for Slovenia, which will have to show first-rate guidance, leadership, and ultimately impartiality on these often controversial and devisive issues – arguably a tall order for the alpine country of 2 million citizens. The benefits that Slovenia can reap from a successful presidency are enormous however in terms of its standing both in Brussels and on the world stage.
While the countries of CEE cannot be said to constitute one homogenous political force (even though such gatherings as Visegrad are still in full swing), there is nevertheless a widespread awareness in Brussels that ‘New Europe’ has vastly altered the EU’s political landscape over the past few years, and as such, when one of ‘New Europe’s’ members assumes the presidency, its results will generate evaluations not only on Slovenia, but on the new member states as a whole; the Slovenian presidency could therefore set an important precedent for other CEE presidencies (the Czech Republic in 2009, Hungary and Poland in 2011 etc.) and how they are received by the international community
An assertive and well-led Slovenian presidency will also bury once and for all the perception that the EU is ultimately a club run by the big western players. Poland has already challenged this notion with some degree of success, but this is largely due to an awareness of the fact that it too is a large player. A successful Slovenian presidency would therefore serve as champion of the smaller members of the EU, driving home the idea that it’s not only the EU’s large and long-standing members that can shape the course of Europe and its all-important role in the world.
While the precise agenda will not be known until the end of this year, a number of topics have already been identified as being likely to constitute areas of focus under the presidency, including EU neighbourhood policy and enlargement, the Western Balkans, reviews of the Common Agricultural Policy and Cohesion Policy, energy, environmental protection and biodiversity and the Lisbon Strategy.
While the current German presidency and upcoming Portuguese presidency (starting in July this year) are also seeking to make headway on these all important issues, as well as to propel the EU out of its “period of reflection” following the all important French and Dutch rejections of the Constitutional Treaty back in 2005, it is very possible – even likely – that these highly politicised ‘hot potatoes’ will be passed on to the Slovenian presidency.
This accumulation of issues promises a heavy workload for Slovenia, which will have to show first-rate guidance, leadership, and ultimately impartiality on these often controversial and devisive issues – arguably a tall order for the alpine country of 2 million citizens. The benefits that Slovenia can reap from a successful presidency are enormous however in terms of its standing both in Brussels and on the world stage.
While the countries of CEE cannot be said to constitute one homogenous political force (even though such gatherings as Visegrad are still in full swing), there is nevertheless a widespread awareness in Brussels that ‘New Europe’ has vastly altered the EU’s political landscape over the past few years, and as such, when one of ‘New Europe’s’ members assumes the presidency, its results will generate evaluations not only on Slovenia, but on the new member states as a whole; the Slovenian presidency could therefore set an important precedent for other CEE presidencies (the Czech Republic in 2009, Hungary and Poland in 2011 etc.) and how they are received by the international community
An assertive and well-led Slovenian presidency will also bury once and for all the perception that the EU is ultimately a club run by the big western players. Poland has already challenged this notion with some degree of success, but this is largely due to an awareness of the fact that it too is a large player. A successful Slovenian presidency would therefore serve as champion of the smaller members of the EU, driving home the idea that it’s not only the EU’s large and long-standing members that can shape the course of Europe and its all-important role in the world.
e mërkurë, 16 maj 2007
I'm copping out
OK, OK, I know I promised loads of stories and loads of pics from my Arabian adventure. Problem is there's just too much to tell, so I'm going to cop out big style and claim that my pictures convey the experience. To see them, visit my facebook profile: Daniel Thomas Nicholls. If I don't know you, then you're probably not interested in seeing the pictures anyway!
e shtunë, 31 mars 2007
Arabian Adventure coming up! Watch this space...
In spite of a mild hangover brought on by that deadly concoction of sparkling wine, crushed strawberries and dark beer, I must say I'm in sparkling spirits today! I've just found out that I'll be spending nearly a month in the Middle East (in the United Arab Emirates, to be more precise). I'll be leaving in just over a week, after spending the Easter weekend in Berlin.
I'm already getting the feeling that my entries from one of the world's richest states will provide a stark (and I hope, interesting) contrast with my previous entry from L'viv...
Now off to buy some short-sleeved shirts and camel repellent (if such a thing exists)...
I'm already getting the feeling that my entries from one of the world's richest states will provide a stark (and I hope, interesting) contrast with my previous entry from L'viv...
Now off to buy some short-sleeved shirts and camel repellent (if such a thing exists)...
e diel, 18 mars 2007
Livin' it large in L'viv
I was promised an adventure on the Tizsa “Express”, and this is precisely what I got. Getting onto the sleeper carriage at Keleti Station felt like going back in time; proud, smartly-dressed Russian and Ukrainian controllers adorned with gold, soviet-style badges were there to welcome travellers on board and show us to our sleeping compartments. Hanging baskets with plastic flowers decorated the narrow corridor that ran the length of the carriage, while the compartment itself had fancy mirrors and was draped in kitsch golden silk curtains, making the place feel more like Cleopatra’s boudoir than a Russian train.
The train gave a stark jolt as it kicked into motion and we were off! My room-mate was a pleasant engineer called Josef. He didn’t speak English, and in spite of my pitiful Russian, we somehow managed to strike up a basic conversation about the imminent Budapest riots, the Orange Revolution and things to do in Lviv.
Lengthy border checks (thankfully a thing of the past in most of Western Europe) is alive and kicking in this part of the world, and given that this was an external EU border, extra-lengthy checks were in store. We pulled up at the border at around 23.30; the train fell silent (apart from the occasional jolt which shook us in our bunks – were extra carriages being added?) First it was the Hungarian border guards, who with assertive knocks on compartment doors and torches shone in faces carried out their checks with cold-hearted efficiency. Then we rolled on for about 2 minutes until we reached the Ukrainian border post and the same ritual was enacted, only this time with men in furry hats.
Safe to say that with all these nocturnal disturbances - passports-out, passports-away and torch-in-your-face rigmarole - I was not my usual dazzling self the following morning. So when an unfriendly woman at the ticket office told me there were no first class beds available for the return journey to Budapest on Saturday night, I wasn’t best pleased. Please do not think me a snob, it’s only I’ve heard that 2nd class is not an experience to be relished. Well I’ll find out soon in any case!
Determined to suppress my morning grouchiness, I walked out of the station into the Ukrainian sunshine (proudly reproduced on their flag) in search of the best mode of transportation into town. Old men bearing their gold teeth approached me, speaking German: “Taxi? Ja! Kommen Sie mit! Gute Preis! Gute Preis!” and, had I not walked with firmer resolution (to where, I hadn’t a clue), my suitcase would have been out of my hands in on its way to one of their car boots.
I confidently declined their offers and walked with resolve towards the tram stop (yeah, like I would’ve known which one to get on anyway!) Reality finally kicked in and I approached the nearest taxi – a clapped-out Volga, whose smoking-coughing owner didn’t seem to be in much better shape. He offered a good price though, so in I popped. I really should have printed out the name and address of the hotel where I was staying, for my pronunciation didn’t register for a good few minutes.
This is all starting to sound dreadfully negative, and I fear I’m beginning to turn this entry into one long whine, which is by no means representative of the time I’ve spent in the city so far. On the contrary, the city is charming and pretty, with a plethora of jewels to be found – from the grandiosity of the Opera House (where I saw a production of Tchaichovsky’s Swan Lake) and the city’s numerous beautifully-adorned churches, to the more modest little courtyards and streets.
However, it’s not the city’s tourist attractions and architectural beauties which will stick in my mind from this trip, but rather a number of quirky elements which have made me both chuckle and ponder numerous times over the past couple of days. I’ve taken the liberty of listing the most important ones below…
“Kitschic” – that stereotypical marriage of kitsch and chic is alive and kicking in Lviv, but not your usual young man or woman dressed to the nines in fake D&G etc. No, Lviv’s kitschic is particular, and it comes in the form of Hugo Boss carrier bags. There are literally hundreds of them milling around the city, and it’s the OAPs that seem to love them, not the young people you’d expect. Safe to say their contents are slightly less hip and glamourous – caught a glimpse of some parsnips and a cabbage in one.
Street chaos – no one who has been to Lviv will ever criticize a Parisian driver again. The city’s streets are constantly blocked with cars all facing each other but wanting to go in different directions. Patience in the Lviv driver runs out quickly and horns, shouting and visual insults are commonplace. In spite of all this hotheadedness, taxi drivers appear to take great offence if you try to put your seat belt on (as if their clapped out cars on these chaotic streets represented safe havens!)
Over-attentive waiters - So OK, I went to the restaurant alone, with no more than my thoughts and a tourist guidebook for company. My waiter on the first night however saw it fit to fill my wine glass every time I took a sip from it, and if I dared to place it down somewhere other than where it supposedly belonged, he’d take his glass-filling task as an opportunity to place it where I didn’t want it to be.
The train gave a stark jolt as it kicked into motion and we were off! My room-mate was a pleasant engineer called Josef. He didn’t speak English, and in spite of my pitiful Russian, we somehow managed to strike up a basic conversation about the imminent Budapest riots, the Orange Revolution and things to do in Lviv.
Lengthy border checks (thankfully a thing of the past in most of Western Europe) is alive and kicking in this part of the world, and given that this was an external EU border, extra-lengthy checks were in store. We pulled up at the border at around 23.30; the train fell silent (apart from the occasional jolt which shook us in our bunks – were extra carriages being added?) First it was the Hungarian border guards, who with assertive knocks on compartment doors and torches shone in faces carried out their checks with cold-hearted efficiency. Then we rolled on for about 2 minutes until we reached the Ukrainian border post and the same ritual was enacted, only this time with men in furry hats.
Safe to say that with all these nocturnal disturbances - passports-out, passports-away and torch-in-your-face rigmarole - I was not my usual dazzling self the following morning. So when an unfriendly woman at the ticket office told me there were no first class beds available for the return journey to Budapest on Saturday night, I wasn’t best pleased. Please do not think me a snob, it’s only I’ve heard that 2nd class is not an experience to be relished. Well I’ll find out soon in any case!
Determined to suppress my morning grouchiness, I walked out of the station into the Ukrainian sunshine (proudly reproduced on their flag) in search of the best mode of transportation into town. Old men bearing their gold teeth approached me, speaking German: “Taxi? Ja! Kommen Sie mit! Gute Preis! Gute Preis!” and, had I not walked with firmer resolution (to where, I hadn’t a clue), my suitcase would have been out of my hands in on its way to one of their car boots.
I confidently declined their offers and walked with resolve towards the tram stop (yeah, like I would’ve known which one to get on anyway!) Reality finally kicked in and I approached the nearest taxi – a clapped-out Volga, whose smoking-coughing owner didn’t seem to be in much better shape. He offered a good price though, so in I popped. I really should have printed out the name and address of the hotel where I was staying, for my pronunciation didn’t register for a good few minutes.
This is all starting to sound dreadfully negative, and I fear I’m beginning to turn this entry into one long whine, which is by no means representative of the time I’ve spent in the city so far. On the contrary, the city is charming and pretty, with a plethora of jewels to be found – from the grandiosity of the Opera House (where I saw a production of Tchaichovsky’s Swan Lake) and the city’s numerous beautifully-adorned churches, to the more modest little courtyards and streets.
However, it’s not the city’s tourist attractions and architectural beauties which will stick in my mind from this trip, but rather a number of quirky elements which have made me both chuckle and ponder numerous times over the past couple of days. I’ve taken the liberty of listing the most important ones below…
“Kitschic” – that stereotypical marriage of kitsch and chic is alive and kicking in Lviv, but not your usual young man or woman dressed to the nines in fake D&G etc. No, Lviv’s kitschic is particular, and it comes in the form of Hugo Boss carrier bags. There are literally hundreds of them milling around the city, and it’s the OAPs that seem to love them, not the young people you’d expect. Safe to say their contents are slightly less hip and glamourous – caught a glimpse of some parsnips and a cabbage in one.
Street chaos – no one who has been to Lviv will ever criticize a Parisian driver again. The city’s streets are constantly blocked with cars all facing each other but wanting to go in different directions. Patience in the Lviv driver runs out quickly and horns, shouting and visual insults are commonplace. In spite of all this hotheadedness, taxi drivers appear to take great offence if you try to put your seat belt on (as if their clapped out cars on these chaotic streets represented safe havens!)
Over-attentive waiters - So OK, I went to the restaurant alone, with no more than my thoughts and a tourist guidebook for company. My waiter on the first night however saw it fit to fill my wine glass every time I took a sip from it, and if I dared to place it down somewhere other than where it supposedly belonged, he’d take his glass-filling task as an opportunity to place it where I didn’t want it to be.
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